The Description of Wales

The
Description of Wales

by
Geraldus Cambrensis

FIRST
PREFACE to Stephen Langton, Archbishop of Canterbury

I, who, at
the expense of three years' labour, arranged, a short

time ago,
in three parts, the Topography of Ireland, with a

description
of its natural curiosities, and who afterwards, by two

years'
study, completed in two parts the Vaticinal History of its

Conquest;
and who, by publishing the Itinerary of the Holy Man

(Baldwin)
through Cambria, prevented his laborious mission from

perishing
in obscurity, do now propose, in the present little work,

to give
some account of this my native country, and to describe the

genius of
its inhabitants, so entirely distinct from that of other

nations.
And this production of my industry I have determined to

dedicate
to you, illustrious Stephen, archbishop of Canterbury, as

I before
ascribed to you my Itinerary; considering you as a man no

less
distinguished by your piety, than conspicuous for your

learning;
though so humble an offering may possibly be unworthy the

acceptance
of a personage who, from his eminence, deserves to be

presented
with works of the greatest merit.

Some,
indeed, object to this my undertaking, and, apparently from

motives of
affection, compare me to a painter, who, rich in

colours,
and like another Zeuxis, eminent in his art, is

endeavouring
with all his skill and industry to give celebrity to a

cottage,
or to some other contemptible object, whilst the world is

anxiously
expecting from his hand a temple or a palace. Thus they

wonder
that I, amidst the many great and striking subjects which

the world
presents, should choose to describe and to adorn, with

all the
graces of composition, such remote corners of the earth as

Ireland
and Wales.

Others
again, reproaching me with greater severity, say, that the

gifts
which have been bestowed upon me from above, ought not to be

wasted
upon these insignificant objects, nor lavished in a vain

display of
learning on the commendation of princes, who, from their

ignorance
and want of liberality, have neither taste to appreciate,

nor hearts
to remunerate literary excellence. And they further

add, that
every faculty which emanates from the Deity, ought rather

to be
applied to the illustration of celestial objects, and to the

exultation
of his glory, from whose abundance all our talents have

been
received; every faculty (say they) ought to be employed in

praising
him from whom, as from a perennial source, every perfect

gift is
derived, and from whose bounty everything which is offered

with
sincerity obtains an ample reward. But since excellent

histories
of other countries have been composed and published by

writers of
eminence, I have been induced, by the love I bear to my

country
and to posterity, to believe that I should perform neither

an useless
nor an unacceptable service, were I to unfold the hidden

merits of
my native land; to rescue from obscurity those glorious

actions
which have been hitherto imperfectly described, and to

bring into
repute, by my method of treating it, a subject till now

regarded
as contemptible.

What
indeed could my feeble and unexercised efforts add to the

histories
of the destruction of Troy, Thebes, or Athens, or to the

conquest
of the shores of Latium? Besides, to do what has been

already
done, is, in fact, to be doing nothing; I have, therefore,

thought it
more eligible to apply my industry to the arrangement of

the
history of my native country, hitherto almost wholly overlooked

by
strangers; but interesting to my relations and countrymen; and

from these
small beginnings to aspire by degrees to works of a

nobler
cast. From these inconsiderable attempts, some idea may be

formed
with what success, should Fortune afford an opportunity, I

am likely
to treat matters of greater importance. For although

some
things should be made our principal objects, whilst others

ought not
to be wholly neglected, I may surely be allowed to

exercise
the powers of my youth, as yet untaught and unexperienced,

in
pursuits of this latter nature, lest by habit I should feel a

pleasure
in indolence and in sloth, the parent of vice.

I have
therefore employed these studies as a kind of introduction

to the
glorious treasures of that most excellent of the sciences,

which
alone deserves the name of science; which alone can render us

wise to
rule and to instruct mankind; which alone the other

sciences
follow, as attendants do their queen. Laying therefore in

my youth
the foundations of so noble a structure, it is my

intention,
if God will assist me and prolong my life, to reserve my

maturer
years for composing a treatise upon so perfect, so sacred a

subject:
for according to the poet,

"Ardua
quippe fides robustos exigit annos;"

"The
important concerns of faith require a mind in its full

vigour;"

I may be
permitted to indulge myself for a short time in other

pursuits;
but in this I should wish not only to continue, but to

die.

But before
I enter on this important subject, I demand a short

interval,
to enable me to lay before the public my Treatise on the

Instruction
of a Prince, which has been so frequently promised, as

well as
the Description of Wales, which is now before me, and the

Topography
of Britain.

Of all the
British writers, Gildas alone appears to me (as often as

the course
of my subject leads me to consult him) worthy of

imitation;
for by committing to paper the things which he himself

saw and
knew, and by declaring rather than describing the

desolation
of his country, he has compiled a history more

remarkable
for its truth than for its elegance.

Giraldus
therefore follows Gildas, whom he wishes he could copy in

his life
and manners; becoming an imitator of his wisdom rather

than of
his eloquence - of his mind rather than of his writings -

of his
zeal rather than of his style - of his life rather than of

his
language.

SECOND
PREFACE to the same

When,
amidst various literary pursuits, I first applied my mind to

the
compilation of history, I determined, lest I should appear

ungrateful
to my native land, to describe, to the best of my

abilities,
my own country and its adjoining regions; and

afterwards,
under God's guidance, to proceed to a description of

more
distant territories. But since some leading men (whom we have

both seen
and known) show so great a contempt for literature, that

they
immediately shut up within their book-cases the excellent

works with
which they are presented, and thus doom them, as it

were, to a
perpetual imprisonment; I entreat you, illustrious

Prelate,
to prevent the present little work, which will shortly be

delivered
to you, from perishing in obscurity. And because this,

as well as
my former productions, though of no transcendent merit,

may
hereafter prove to many a source of entertainment and

instruction,
I entreat you generously to order it to be made

public, by
which it will acquire reputation. And I shall consider

myself
sufficiently rewarded for my trouble, if, withdrawing for a

while from
your religious and secular occupations, you would kindly

condescend
to peruse this book, or, at least, give it an attentive

hearing;
for in times like these, when no one remunerates literary

productions,
I neither desire nor expect any other recompense. Not

that it
would appear in any way inconsistent, however there exists

among men
of rank a kind of conspiracy against authors, if a

prelate so
eminently conspicuous for his virtues, for his

abilities,
both natural and acquired, for irreproachable morals,

and for
munificence, should distinguish himself likewise by

becoming
the generous and sole patron of literature. To comprise

your
merits in a few words, the lines of Martial addressed to

Trajan,
whilst serving under Dioclesian, may be deservedly applied

to you:

"Laudari
debes quoniam sub principe duro,

Temporibusque
malis, ausus es esse bonus."

And those
also of Virgil to Mecaenas, which extol the humanity of

that great
man:

"Omnia
cum possis tanto tam clarus amico,

Te sensit
nemo posse nocere tamen."

Many
indeed remonstrate against my proceedings, and those

particularly
who call themselves my friends insist that, in

consequence
of my violent attachment to study, I pay no attention

to the
concerns of the world, or to the interests of my family; and

that, on
this account, I shall experience a delay in my promotion

to worldly
dignities; that the influence of authors, both poets and

historians,
has long since ceased; that the respect paid to

literature
vanished with literary princes; and that in these

degenerate
days very different paths lead to honours and opulence.

I allow
all this, I readily allow it, and acquiesce in the truth.

For the
unprincipled and covetous attach themselves to the court,

the
churchmen to their books, and the ambitious to the public

offices,
but as every man is under the influence of some darling

passion,
so the love of letters and the study of eloquence have

from my
infancy had for me peculiar charms of attraction. Impelled

by this
thirst for knowledge, I have carried my researches into the

mysterious
works of nature farther than the generality of my

contemporaries,
and for the benefit of posterity have rescued from

oblivion
the remarkable events of my own times. But this object

was not to
be secured without an indefatigable, though at the same

time an
agreeable, exertion; for an accurate investigation of every

particular
is attended with much difficulty. It is difficult to

produce an
orderly account of the investigation and discovery of

truth; it
is difficult to preserve from the beginning to the end a

connected
relation unbroken by irrelevant matter; and it is

difficult
to render the narration no less elegant in the diction,

than
instructive in its matter, for in prosecuting the series of

events,
the choice of happy expressions is equally perplexing, as

the search
after them painful. Whatever is written requires the

most
intense thought, and every expression should be carefully

polished
before it be submitted to the public eye; for, by exposing

itself to
the examination of the present and of future ages, it

must
necessarily undergo the criticism not only of the acute, but

also of
the dissatisfied, reader. Words merely uttered are soon

forgotten,
and the admiration or disgust which they occasioned is

no more;
but writings once published are never lost, and remain as

lasting
memorials either of the glory or of the disgrace of the

author.
Hence the observation of Seneca, that the malicious

attention
of the envious reader dwells with no less satisfaction on

a faulty
than on an elegant expression, and is as anxious to

discover
what it may ridicule, as what it may commend; as the poet

also
observes:

"Discit
enim citius meminitque libentius illud

Quod quis
deridet, quam quod probat et veneratur."

Among the
pursuits, therefore, most worthy of commendation, this

holds by
no means the lowest rank; for history, as the moral

philosopher
declares, "is the record of antiquity, the testimony of

ages, the
light of truth, the soul of memory, the mistress of

conduct,
and the herald of ancient times."

This study
is the more delightful, as it is more honourable to

produce
works worthy of being quoted than to quote the works of

others; as
it is more desirable to be the author of compositions

which
deserve to be admired than to be esteemed a good judge of the

writings
of other men; as it is more meritorious to be the just

object of
other men's commendations than to be considered an adept

in
pointing out the merits of others. On these pleasing

reflections
I feed and regale myself; for I would rather resemble

Jerome
than Croesus, and I prefer to riches themselves the man who

is capable
of despising them. With these gratifying ideas I rest

contented
and delighted, valuing moderation more than intemperance,

and an
honourable sufficiency more than superfluity; for

intemperance
and superfluity produce their own destruction, but

their
opposite virtues never perish; the former vanish, but the

latter,
like eternity, remain for ever; in short, I prefer praise

to lucre,
and reputation to riches.

BOOK I

CHAPTER I

Of the
length and breadth of Wales, the nature of its soil, and the

three
remaining tribes of Britons

Cambria,
which, by a corrupt and common term, though less proper,

is in
modern times called Wales, is about two hundred miles long

and one
hundred broad. The length from Port Gordber (1) in

Anglesey
to Port Eskewin (2) in Monmouthshire is eight days'

journey in
extent; the breadth from Porth Mawr, (3) or the great

Port of
St. David's, to Ryd-helic, (4) which in Latin means VADUM

SALICIS,
or the Ford of the Willow, and in English is called

Willow-forde,
is four days' journey. It is a country very strongly

defended
by high mountains, deep valleys, extensive woods, rivers,

and
marshes; insomuch that from the time the Saxons took possession

of the
island the remnants of the Britons, retiring into these

regions,
could never be entirely subdued either by the English or

by the
Normans. Those who inhabited the southern angle of the

island,
which took its name from the chieftain Corinaeus, (5) made

less
resistance, as their country was more defenceless. The third

division
of the Britons, who obtained a part of Britany in Gaul,

were
transported thither, not after the defeat of their nation, but

long
before, by king Maximus, and, in consequence of the hard and

continued
warfare which they underwent with him, were rewarded by

the royal
munificence with those districts in France.

CHAPTER II

Of the
ancient division of Wales into three parts

Wales was
in ancient times divided into three parts nearly equal,

consideration
having been paid, in this division, more to the value

than to
the just quantity or proportion of territory. They were

Venedotia,
now called North Wales; Demetia, or South Wales, which

in British
is called Deheubarth, that is, the southern part; and

Powys, the
middle or eastern district. Roderic the Great, or

Rhodri
Mawr, who was king over all Wales, was the cause of this

division.
He had three sons, Mervin, Anarawt, and Cadell, amongst

whom he
partitioned the whole principality. North Wales fell to

the lot of
Mervin; Powys to Anarawt; and Cadell received the

portion of
South Wales, together with the general good wishes of

his
brothers and the people; for although this district greatly

exceeded
the others in quantity, it was the least desirable from

the number
of noble chiefs, or Uchelwyr, (6) men of a superior

rank, who
inhabited it, and were often rebellious to their lords,

and
impatient of control. But Cadell, on the death of his

brothers,
obtained the entire dominion of Wales, (7) as did his

successors
till the time of Tewdwr, whose descendants, Rhys, son of

Tewdwr,
Gruflydd, son of Rhys, and Rhys, son of Gruffydd, the

ruling
prince in our time, enjoyed only (like the father) the

sovereignty
over South Wales.

CHAPTER
III

Genealogy
of the Princes of Wales

The
following is the generation of princes of South Wales: Rhys,

son of
Gruffydd; Gruffydd, son of Rhys; Rhys, son of Tewdwr;

Tewdwr,
son of Eineon; Eineon, son of Owen; Owen, son of Howel Dda,

or Howel
the Good; Howel, son of Cadell, son of Roderic the Great.

Thus the
princes of South Wales derived their origin from Cadell,

son of
Roderic the Great. The princes of North Wales descended

from
Mervin in this manner: Llewelyn, son of Iorwerth; Iorwerth,

son of
Owen; Owen, son of Gruffydd; Gruffydd, son of Conan; Conan,

son of
Iago; Iago, son of Edoual; Edoual, son of Meyric; Meyric,

son of
Anarawt (Anandhrec); Anarawt, son of Mervin, son of Roderic

the Great.
Anarawt leaving no issue, the princes of Powys have

their own
particular descent.

It is
worthy of remark, that the Welsh bards and singers, or

reciters,
have the genealogies of the aforesaid princes, written in

the Welsh
language, in their ancient and authentic books; and also

retain
them in their memory from Roderic the Great to B.M.; (8) and

from
thence to Sylvius, Ascanius, and AEneas; and from the latter

produce
the genealogical series in a lineal descent, even to Adam.

But as an
account of such long and remote genealogies may appear to

many
persons trifling rather than historical, we have purposely

omitted
them in our compendium.

CHAPTER IV

How many
cantreds, royal palaces, and cathedrals there are in Wales

South
Wales contains twenty-nine cantreds; North Wales, twelve;

Powys,
six: many of which are at this time in the possession of

the
English and Franks. For the country now called Shropshire

formerly
belonged to Powys, and the place where the castle of

Shrewsbury
stands bore the name of Pengwern, or the head of the

Alder
Grove. There were three royal seats in South Wales:

Dinevor,
in South Wales, removed from Caerleon; Aberfraw, (9) in

North
Wales; and Pengwern, in Powys.

Wales
contains in all fifty-four cantreds. The word CANTREF is

derived
from CANT, a hundred, and TREF, a village; and means in the

British
and Irish languages such a portion of land as contains a

hundred
vills.

There are
four cathedral churches in Wales: St. David's, upon the

Irish sea,
David the archbishop being its patron: it was in

ancient
times the metropolitan church, and the district only

contained
twenty-four cantreds, though at this time only twenty-

three; for
Ergengl, in English called Urchenfeld, (10) is said to

have been
formerly within the diocese of St. David's, and sometimes

was placed
within that of Landaff. The see of St. David's had

twenty-five
successive archbishops; and from the time of the

removal of
the pall into France, to this day, twenty-two bishops;

whose
names and series, as well as the cause of the removal of the

archiepiscopal
pall, may be seen in our Itinerary. (11)

In South
Wales also is situated the bishopric of Landaff, near the

Severn
sea, and near the noble castle of Caerdyf; bishop Teilo

being its
patron. It contains five cantreds, and the fourth part

of
another, namely, Senghennyd.

In North
Wales, between Anglesey and the Eryri mountains, is the

see of
Bangor, under the patronage of Daniel, the abbot; it

contains
about nine cantreds.

In North
Wales also is the poor little cathedral of Llan-Elwy, or

St. Asaph,
containing about six cantreds, to which Powys is

subject.

CHAPTER V

Of the two
mountains from which the noble rivers which divide Wales

spring

Wales is
divided and distinguished by noble rivers, which derive

their
source from two ranges of mountains, the Ellennith, in South

Wales,
which the English call Moruge, as being the heads of moors,

or bogs;
and Eryri, in North Wales, which they call Snowdon, or

mountains
of snow; the latter of which are said to be of so great

an extent,
that if all the herds in Wales were collected together,

they would
supply them with pasture for a considerable time. Upon

them are
two lakes, one of which has a floating island; and the

other
contains fish having only one eye, as we have related in our

Itinerary.

We must
also here remark, that at two places in Scotland, one on

the
eastern, and the other on the western ocean, the sea-fish

called
mulvelli (mullets) have only the right eye.

The noble
river Severn takes its rise from the Ellennith mountains,

and
flowing by the castles of Shrewsbury and Bridgenorth, through

the city
of Worcester, and that of Gloucester, celebrated for its

iron
manufactories, falls into the sea a few miles from the latter

place, and
gives its name to the Severn Sea. This river was for

many years
the boundary between Cambria and Loegria, or Wales and

England;
it was called in British Hafren, from the daughter of

Locrinus,
who was drowned in it by her step-mother; the aspirate

being
changed, according to the Latin idiom, into S, as is usual in

words
derived from the Greek, it was termed Sarina, as hal becomes

SAL; hemi,
SEMI; hepta, SEPTEM.

The river
Wye rises in the same mountains of Ellennith, and flows

by the
castles of Hay and Clifford, through the city of Hereford,

by the
castles of Wilton and Goodrich, through the forest of Dean,

abounding
with iron and deer, and proceeds to Strigul castle, below

which it
empties itself into the sea, and forms in modern times the

boundary
between England and Wales. The Usk does not derive its

origin
from these mountains, but from those of Cantref Bachan; it

flows by
the castle of Brecheinoc, or Aberhodni, that is, the fall

of the
river Hodni into the Usk (for Aber, in the British language,

signifies
every place where two rivers unite their streams); by the

castles of
Abergevenni and Usk, through the ancient city of

Legions,
and discharges itself into the Severn Sea, not far from

Newport.

The river
Remni flows towards the sea from the mountains of

Brecheinoc,
having passed the castle and bridge of Remni. From the

same range
of mountains springs the Taf, which pursues its course

to the
episcopal see of Landaf (to which it gives its name), and

falls into
the sea below the castle of Caerdyf. The river Avon

rushes
impetuously from the mountains of Glamorgan, between the

celebrated
Cistercian monasteries of Margan and Neth; and the river

Neth,
descending from the mountains of Brecheinoc, unites itself

with the
sea, at no great distance from the castle of Neth; each of

these
rivers forming a long tract of dangerous quicksands. From

the same
mountains of Brecheinoc the river Tawe flows down to

Abertawe,
called in English Swainsey. The Lochor joins the sea

near the
castle of the same name; and the Wendraeth has its

confluence
near Cydweli. The Tywy, another noble river, rises in

the
Ellennith mountains, and separating the Cantref Mawr from the

Cantref
Bachan, passes by the castle of Llanymddyfri, and the royal

palace and
castle of Dinevor, strongly situated in the deep

recesses
of its woods, by the noble castle of Caermarddin, where

Merlin was
found, and from whom the city received its name, and

runs into
the sea near the castle of Lhanstephan. The river Taf

rises in
the Presseleu mountains, not far from the monastery of

Whitland,
and passing by the castle of St. Clare, falls into the

sea near
Abercorran and Talacharn. From the same mountains flow

the rivers
Cleddeu, encompassing the province of Daugleddeu, and

giving it
their name one passes by the castle of Lahaden, and the

other by
Haverford, to the sea; and in the British language they

bear the
name of Daugleddeu, or two swords.

The noble
river Teivi springs from the Ellennith mountains, in the

upper part
of the Cantref Mawr and Caerdigan, not far from the

pastures
and excellent monastery of Stratflur, forming a boundary

between
Demetia and Caerdigan down to the Irish channel; this is

the only
river in Wales that produces beavers, an account of which

is given
in our Itinerary; and also exceeds every other river in

the
abundance and delicacy of its salmon. But as this book may

fall into
the hands of many persons who will not meet with the

other, I
have thought it right here to insert many curious and

particular
qualities relating to the nature of these animals, how

they
convey their materials from the woods to the river, with what

skill they
employ these materials in constructing places of safety

in the
middle of the stream, how artfully they defend themselves

against
the attack of the hunters on the eastern and how on the

western
side; the singularity of their tails, which partake more of

the nature
of fish than flesh. For further particulars see the

Itinerary.
(12)

>From
the same mountains issues the Ystuyth, and flowing through the

upper
parts of Penwedic, in Cardiganshire, falls into the sea near

the castle
of Aberystuyth. From the snowy mountains of Eryri flows

the noble
river Devi, (13) dividing for a great distance North and

South
Wales; and from the same mountains also the large river Maw,

(14)
forming by its course the greater and smaller tract of sands

called the
Traeth Mawr and the Traeth Bachan. The Dissennith also,

and the
Arthro, flow through Merionethshire and the land of Conan.

The Conwy,
springing from the northern side of the Eryri mountains,

unites its
waters with the sea under the noble castle of Deganwy.

The Cloyd
rises from another side of the same mountain, and passes

by the
castle of Ruthlan to the sea. The Doverdwy, called by the

English
Dee, draws its source from the lake of Penmelesmere, and

runs
through Chester, leaving the wood of Coleshulle, Basinwerk,

and a rich
vein of silver in its neighbourhood, far to the right,

and by the
influx of the sea forming a very dangerous quicksand;

thus the
Dee makes the northern, and the river Wye the southern

boundary
of Wales.

CHAPTER VI

Concerning
the pleasantness and fertility of Wales

As the
southern part of Wales near Cardiganshire, but particularly

Pembrokeshire,
is much pleasanter, on account of its plains and

sea-coast,
so North Wales is better defended by nature, is more

productive
of men distinguished for bodily strength, and more

fertile in
the nature of its soil; for, as the mountains of Eryri

(Snowdon)
could supply pasturage for all the herds of cattle in

Wales, if
collected together, so could the Isle of Mona (Anglesey)

provide a
requisite quantity of corn for all the inhabitants: on

which
account there is an old British proverb, "MON MAM CYMBRY,"

that is,
"Mona is the mother of Wales." Merionyth, and the land of

Conan, is
the rudest and least cultivated region, and the least

accessible.
The natives of that part of Wales excel in the use of

long
lances, as those of Monmouthshire are distinguished for their

management
of the bow. It is to be observed, that the British

language
is more delicate and richer in North Wales, that country

being less
intermixed with foreigners. Many, however, assert that

the
language of Cardiganshire, in South Wales, placed as it were in

the middle
and heart of Cambria, is the most refined.

The people
of Cornwall and the Armoricans speak a language similar

to that of
the Britons; and from its origin and near resemblance,

it is
intelligible to the Welsh in many instances, and almost in

all; and
although less delicate and methodical, yet it approaches,

as I
judge, more to the ancient British idiom. As in the southern

parts of
England, and particularly in Devonshire, the English

language
seems less agreeable, yet it bears more marks of antiquity

(the
northern parts being much corrupted by the irruptions of the

Danes and
Norwegians), and adheres more strictly to the original

language
and ancient mode of speaking; a positive proof of which

may be
deduced from all the English works of Bede, Rhabanus, and

king
Alfred, being written according to this idiom.

CHAPTER
VII

Origin of
the names Cambria and Wales

Cambria
was so called from Camber, son of Brutus, for Brutus,

descending
from the Trojans, by his grandfather, Ascanius, and

father,
Silvius, led the remnant of the Trojans, who had long been

detained
in Greece, into this western isle; and having reigned many

years, and
given his name to the country and people, at his death

divided
the kingdom of Wales between his three sons. To his eldest

son,
Locrinus, he gave that part of the island which lies between

the rivers
Humber and Severn, and which from him was called

Loegria.
To his second son, Albanactus, he gave the lands beyond

the
Humber, which took from him the name of Albania. But to his

youngest
son, Camber, he bequeathed all that region which lies

beyond the
Severn, and is called after him Cambria; hence the

country is
properly and truly called Cambria, and its inhabitants

Cambrians,
or Cambrenses. Some assert that their name was derived

from CAM
and GRAECO, that is, distorted Greek, on account of the

affinity
of their languages, contracted by their long residence in

Greece;
but this conjecture, though plausible, is not well founded

on truth.

The name
of Wales was not derived from Wallo, a general, or

Wandolena,
the queen, as the fabulous history of Geoffrey Arthurius

(15)
falsely maintains, because neither of these personages are to

be found
amongst the Welsh; but it arose from a barbarian

appellation.
The Saxons, when they seized upon Britain, called

this
nation, as they did all foreigners, Wallenses; and thus the

barbarous
name remains to the people and their country. (16)

Having
discoursed upon the quality and quantity of the land, the

genealogies
of the princes, the sources of the rivers, and the

derivation
of the names of this country, we shall now consider the

nature and
character of the nation.

CHAPTER
VIII

Concerning
the nature, manners, and dress, the boldness, agility,

and
courage, of this nation

This
people is light and active, hardy rather than strong, and

entirely
bred up to the use of arms; for not only the nobles, but

all the
people are trained to war, and when the trumpet sounds the

alarm, the
husbandman rushes as eagerly from his plough as the

courtier
from his court; for here it is not found that, as in other

places,

"Agricolis
labor actus in orbem,"

returns;
for in the months of March and April only the soil is once

ploughed
for oats, and again in the summer a third time, and in

winter for
wheat. Almost all the people live upon the produce of

their
herds, with oats, milk, cheese, and butter; eating flesh in

larger
proportions than bread. They pay no attention to commerce,

shipping,
or manufactures, and suffer no interruption but by

martial
exercises. They anxiously study the defence of their

country
and their liberty; for these they fight, for these they

undergo
hardships, and for these willingly sacrifice their lives;

they
esteem it a disgrace to die in bed, an honour to die in the

field of
battle; using the poet's expressions, -

"Procul
hinc avertite pacem,

Nobilitas
cum pace perit."

Nor is it
wonderful if it degenerates, for the ancestors of these

men, the
AEneadae, rushed to arms in the cause of liberty. It is

remarkable
that this people, though unarmed, dares attack an armed

foe; the
infantry defy the cavalry, and by their activity and

courage
generally prove victors. They resemble in disposition and

situation
those conquerors whom the poet Lucan mentions:

- "Populi
quos despicit Arctos,

Felices
errore suo, quos ille timorum

Maximus
haud urget leti metus, inde ruendi

In ferrum,
mens prona viris, amimaeque capaces,

Mortis et
ignavum rediturae parsere vitae."

They make
use of light arms, which do not impede their agility,

small
coats of mail, bundles of arrows, and long lances, helmets

and
shields, and more rarely greaves plated with iron. The higher

class go
to battle mounted on swift and generous steeds, which

their
country produces; but the greater part of the people fight on

foot, on
account of the marshy nature and unevenness of the soil.

The
horsemen as their situation or occasion requires, willingly

serve as
infantry, in attacking or retreating; and they either walk

bare-footed,
or make use of high shoes, roughly constructed with

untanned
leather. In time of peace, the young men, by penetrating

the deep
recesses of the woods, and climbing the tops of mountains,

learn by
practice to endure fatigue through day and night; and as

they
meditate on war during peace, they acquire the art of fighting

by
accustoming themselves to the use of the lance, and by inuring

themselves
to hard exercise.

In our
time, king Henry II., in reply to the inquiries of Emanuel,

emperor of
Constantinople, concerning the situation, nature, and

striking
peculiarities of the British island, among other

remarkable
circumstances mentioned the following: "That in a

certain
part of the island there was a people, called Welsh, so

bold and
ferocious that, when unarmed, they did not fear to

encounter
an armed force; being ready to shed their blood in

defence of
their country, and to sacrifice their lives for renown;

which is
the more surprising, as the beasts of the field over the

whole face
of the island became gentle, but these desperate men

could not
be tamed. The wild animals, and particularly the stags

and hinds,
are so abundant, owing to the little molestation they

receive,
that in our time, in the northern parts of the island

towards
the Peak, (17) when pursued by the hounds and hunters, they

contributed,
by their numbers, to their own destruction."

CHAPTER IX

Of their
sober supper and frugality

Not
addicted to gluttony or drunkenness, this people who incur no

expense in
food or dress, and whose minds are always bent upon the

defence of
their country, and on the means of plunder, are wholly

employed
in the care of their horses and furniture. Accustomed to

fast from
morning till evening, and trusting to the care of

Providence,
they dedicate the whole day to business, and in the

evening
partake of a moderate meal; and even if they have none, or

only a
very scanty one, they patiently wait till the next evening;

and,
neither deterred by cold nor hunger, they employ the dark and

stormy
nights in watching the hostile motions of their enemies.

CHAPTER X

Of their
hospitality and liberality

No one of
this nation ever begs, for the houses of all are common

to all;
and they consider liberality and hospitality amongst the

first
virtues. So much does hospitality here rejoice in

communication,
that it is neither offered nor requested by

travellers,
who, on entering any house, only deliver up their arms.

When water
is offered to them, if they suffer their feet to be

washed,
they are received as guests; for the offer of water to wash

the feet
is with this nation an hospitable invitation. But if they

refuse the
proffered service, they only wish for morning

refreshment,
not lodging. The young men move about in troops and

families
under the direction of a chosen leader. Attached only to

arms and
ease, and ever ready to stand forth in defence of their

country,
they have free admittance into every house as if it were

their own.

Those who
arrive in the morning are entertained till evening with

the
conversation of young women, and the music of the harp; for

each house
has its young women and harps allotted to this purpose.

Two
circumstances here deserve notice: that as no nation labours

more under
the vice of jealousy than the Irish, so none is more

free from
it than the Welsh: and in each family the art of playing

on the
harp is held preferable to any other learning. In the

evening,
when no more guests are expected, the meal is prepared

according
to the number and dignity of the persons assembled, and

according
to the wealth of the family who entertains. The kitchen

does not
supply many dishes, nor high-seasoned incitements to

eating.
The house is not furnished with tables, cloths, or

napkins.
They study nature more than splendour, for which reason,

the guests
being seated in threes, instead of couples as elsewhere,

(18) they
place the dishes before them all at once upon rushes and

fresh
grass, in large platters or trenchers. They also make use of

a thin and
broad cake of bread, baked every day, such as in old

writings
was called LAGANA; (19) and they sometimes add chopped

meat, with
broth. Such a repast was formerly used by the noble

youth,
from whom this nation boasts its descent, and whose manners

it still
partly imitates, according to the word of the poet:

"Heu!
mensas consumimus, inquit Iulus."

While the
family is engaged in waiting on the guests, the host and

hostess
stand up, paying unremitting attention to everything, and

take no
food till all the company are satisfied; that in case of

any
deficiency, it may fall upon them. A bed made of rushes, and

covered
with a coarse kind of cloth manufactured in the country,

called
BRYCHAN, (20) is then placed along the side of the room, and

they all
in common lie down to sleep; nor is their dress at night

different
from that by day, for at all seasons they defend

themselves
from the cold only by a thin cloak and tunic. The fire

continues
to burn by night as well as by day, at their feet, and

they
receive much comfort from the natural heat of the persons

lying near
them; but when the under side begins to be tired with

the
hardness of the bed, or the upper one to suffer from cold, they

immediately
leap up, and go to the fire, which soon relieves them

from both
inconveniences; and then returning to their couch, they

expose
alternately their sides to the cold, and to the hardness of

the bed.

CHAPTER XI

Concerning
their cutting of their hair, their care of their teeth,

and
shaving of their beard

The men
and women cut their hair close round to the ears and eyes.

The women,
after the manner of the Parthians, cover their heads

with a
large white veil, folded together in the form of a crown.

Both sexes
exceed any other nation in attention to their teeth,

which they
render like ivory, by constantly rubbing them with green

hazel and
wiping with a woollen cloth. For their better

preservation,
they abstain from hot meats, and eat only such as are

cold,
warm, or temperate. The men shave all their beard except the

moustaches
(GERNOBODA). This custom is not recent, but was

observed
in ancient and remote ages, as we find in the works of

Julius
Caesar, who says, (21) "The Britons shave every part of

their body
except their head and upper lip;" and to render

themselves
more active, and avoid the fate of Absalon in their

excursions
through the woods, they are accustomed to cut even the

hair from
their heads; so that this nation more than any other

shaves off
all pilosity. Julius also adds, that the Britons,

previous
to an engagement, anointed their faces with a nitrous

ointment,
which gave them so ghastly and shining an appearance,

that the
enemy could scarcely bear to look at them, particularly if

the rays
of the sun were reflected on them.

CHAPTER
XII

Of their
quickness and sharpness of understanding

These
people being of a sharp and acute intellect, and gifted with

a rich and
powerful understanding, excel in whatever studies they

pursue,
and are more quick and cunning than the other inhabitants

of a
western clime.

Their
musical instruments charm and delight the ear with their

sweetness,
are borne along by such celerity and delicacy of

modulation,
producing such a consonance from the rapidity of

seemingly
discordant touches, that I shall briefly repeat what is

set forth
in our Irish Topography on the subject of the musical

instruments
of the three nations. It is astonishing that in so

complex
and rapid a movement of the fingers, the musical

proportions
can be preserved, and that throughout the difficult

modulations
on their various instruments, the harmony is completed

with such
a sweet velocity, so unequal an equality, so discordant a

concord,
as if the chords sounded together fourths or fifths. They

always
begin from B flat, and return to the same, that the whole

may be
completed under the sweetness of a pleasing sound. They

enter into
a movement, and conclude it in so delicate a manner, and

play the
little notes so sportively under the blunter sounds of the

base
strings, enlivening with wanton levity, or communicating a

deeper
internal sensation of pleasure, so that the perfection of

their art
appears in the concealment of it:

"Si
lateat, prosit;

- - ferat
ars deprensa pudorem."

"Art
profits when concealed,

Disgraces
when revealed."

>From
this cause, those very strains which afford deep and

unspeakable
mental delight to those who have skilfully penetrated

into the
mysteries of the art, fatigue rather than gratify the ears

of others,
who seeing, do not perceive, and hearing, do not

understand;
and by whom the finest music is esteemed no better than

a confused
and disorderly noise, and will be heard with

unwillingness
and disgust.

They make
use of three instruments, the harp, the pipe, and the

crwth or
crowd (CHORUS). (22)

They omit
no part of natural rhetoric in the management of civil

actions,
in quickness of invention, disposition, refutation, and

confirmation.
In their rhymed songs and set speeches they are so

subtle and
ingenious, that they produce, in their native tongue,

ornaments
of wonderful and exquisite invention both in the words

and
sentences. Hence arise those poets whom they call Bards, of

whom you
will find many in this nation, endowed with the above

faculty,
according to the poet's observation:

"Plurima
concreti fuderunt carmina Bardi."

But they
make use of alliteration (ANOMINATIONE) in preference to

all other
ornaments of rhetoric, and that particular kind which

joins by
consonancy the first letters or syllables of words. So

much do
the English and Welsh nations employ this ornament of words

in all
exquisite composition, that no sentence is esteemed to be

elegantly
spoken, no oration to be otherwise than uncouth and

unrefined,
unless it be fully polished with the file of this

figure.
Thus in the British tongue:

"Digawn
Duw da i unic."

"Wrth
bob crybwyll rhaid pwyll parawd." (23)

And in
English,

"God
is together gammen and wisedom."

The same
ornament of speech is also frequent in the Latin language.

Virgil
says,

"Tales
casus Cassandra canebat."

And again,
in his address to Augustus,

"Dum
dubitet natura marem, faceretve puellam,

Natus es,
o pulcher, pene puella, puer."

This
ornament occurs not in any language we know so frequently as

in the two
first; it is, indeed, surprising that the French, in

other
respects so ornamented, should be entirely ignorant of this

verbal
elegance so much adopted in other languages. Nor can I

believe
that the English and Welsh, so different and adverse to

each
other, could designedly have agreed in the usage of this

figure;
but I should rather suppose that it had grown habitual to

both by
long custom, as it pleases the ear by a transition from

similar to
similar sounds. Cicero, in his book "On Elocution,"

observes
of such who know the practice, not the art, "Other persons

when they
read good orations or poems, approve of the orators or

poets, not
understanding the reason why, being affected, they

approve;
because they cannot know in what place, of what nature,

nor how
that effect is caused which so highly delights them."

CHAPTER
XIII

Of their
symphonies and songs

In their
musical concerts they do not sing in unison like the

inhabitants
of other countries, but in many different parts; so

that in a
company of singers, which one very frequently meets with

in Wales,
you will hear as many different parts and voices as there

are
performers, who all at length unite, with organic melody, in

one
consonance and the soft sweetness of B flat. In the northern

district
of Britain, beyond the Humber, and on the borders of

Yorkshire,
the inhabitants make use of the same kind of symphonious

harmony,
but with less variety; singing only in two parts, one

murmuring
in the base, the other warbling in the acute or treble.

Neither of
the two nations has acquired this peculiarity by art,

but by
long habit, which has rendered it natural and familiar; and

the
practice is now so firmly rooted in them, that it is unusual to

hear a
simple and single melody well sung; and, what is still more

wonderful,
the children, even from their infancy, sing in the same

manner.
As the English in general do not adopt this mode of

singing,
but only those of the northern countries, I believe that

it was
from the Danes and Norwegians, by whom these parts of the

island
were more frequently invaded, and held longer under their

dominion,
that the natives contracted their mode of singing as well

as
speaking.

CHAPTER
XIV

Their wit
and pleasantry

The heads
of different families, in order to excite the laughter of

their
guests, and gain credit by their sayings, make use of great

facetiousness
in their conversation; at one time uttering their

jokes in a
light, easy manner, at another time, under the disguise

of
equivocation, passing the severest censures. For the sake of

explanation
I shall here subjoin a few examples. Tegeingl is the

name of a
province in North Wales, over which David, son of Owen,

had
dominion, and which had once been in the possession of his

brother.
The same word also was the name of a certain woman with

whom, it
was said, each brother had an intrigue, from which

circumstance
arose this term of reproach, "To have Tegeingl, after

Tegeingl
had been in possession of his brother."

At another
time, when Rhys, son of Gruffydd, prince of South Wales,

accompanied
by a multitude of his people, devoutly entered the

church of
St. David's, previous to an intended journey, the

oblations
having been made, and mass solemnised, a young man came

to him in
the church, and publicly declared himself to be his son,

threw
himself at his feet, and with tears humbly requested that the

truth of
this assertion might be ascertained by the trial of the

burning
iron. Intelligence of this circumstance being conveyed to

his family
and his two sons, who had just gone out of the church, a

youth who
was present made this remark: "This is not wonderful;

some have
brought gold, and others silver, as offerings; but this

man, who
had neither, brought what he had, namely, iron;" thus

taunting
him with his poverty. On mentioning a certain house that

was
strongly built and almost impregnable, one of the company said,

"This
house indeed is strong, for if it should contain food it

could
never be got at," thus alluding both to the food and to the

house. In
like manner, a person, wishing to hint at the avaricious

disposition
of the mistress of a house, said, "I only find fault

with our
hostess for putting too little butter to her salt,"

whereas
the accessory should be put to the principal; thus, by a

subtle
transposition of the words, converting the accessory into

the
principal, by making it appear to abound in quantity. Many

similar
sayings of great men and philosophers are recorded in the

Saturnalia
of Macrobius. When Cicero saw his son-in-law, Lentulus,

a man of
small stature, with a long sword by his side: "Who," says

he, "has
girded my son-in-law to that sword?" thus changing the

accessary
into the principal. The same person, on seeing the half-

length
portrait of his brother Quintus Cicero, drawn with very

large
features and an immense shield, exclaimed, "Half of my

brother is
greater than the whole!" When the sister of Faustus had

an
intrigue with a fuller, "Is it strange," says he, "that
my

sister has
a spot, when she is connected with a fuller?" When

Antiochus
showed Hannibal his army, and the great warlike

preparations
he had made against the Romans, and asked him,

"Thinkest
thou, O Hannibal, that these are sufficient for the

Romans?"
Hannibal, ridiculing the unmilitary appearance of the

soldiers,
wittily and severely replied, "I certainly think them

sufficient
for the Romans, however greedy;" Antiochus asking his

opinion
about the military preparations, and Hannibal alluding to

them as
becoming a prey to the Romans.

CHAPTER XV

Their
boldness and confidence in speaking

Nature
hath given not only to the highest, but also to the

inferior,
classes of the people of this nation, a boldness and

confidence
in speaking and answering, even in the presence of their

princes
and chieftains. The Romans and Franks had the same

faculty;
but neither the English, nor the Saxons and Germans, from

whom they
are descended, had it. It is in vain urged, that this

defect may
arise from the state of servitude which the English

endured;
for the Saxons and Germans, who enjoy their liberty, have

the same
failing, and derive this natural coldness of disposition

from the
frozen region they inhabit; the English also, although

placed in
a distant climate, still retain the exterior fairness of

complexion
and inward coldness of disposition, as inseparable from

their
original and natural character. The Britons, on the

contrary,
transplanted from the hot and parched regions of Dardania

into these
more temperate districts, as

"Coelum
non animum mutant qui trans mare currunt,"

still
retain their brown complexion and that natural warmth of

temper
from which their confidence is derived. For three nations,

remnants
of the Greeks after the destruction of Troy, fled from

Asia into
different parts of Europe, the Romans under AEneas, the

Franks
under Antenor, and the Britons under Brutus; and from thence

arose that
courage, that nobleness of mind, that ancient dignity,

that
acuteness of understanding, and confidence of speech, for

which
these three nations are so highly distinguished. But the

Britons,
from having been detained longer in Greece than the other

two
nations, after the destruction of their country, and having

migrated
at a later period into the western parts of Europe,

retained
in a greater degree the primitive words and phrases of

their
native language. You will find amongst them the names Oenus,

Resus,
AEneas, Hector, Achilles, Heliodorus, Theodorus, Ajax,

Evander,
Uliex, Anianus, Elisa, Guendolena, and many others,

bearing
marks of their antiquity. It is also to be observed, that

almost all
words in the British language correspond either with the

Greek or
Latin, as [Greek text which cannot be reproduced], water,

is called
in British, dwr; [Greek text], salt, in British, halen;

[Greek
text], eno, a name; [Greek text], pump, five; [Greek text],

deg, ten.
The Latins also use the words fraenum, tripos, gladius,

lorica;
the Britons, froyn (ffrwyn), trepet (tribedd), cleddyf, and

lluric
(llurig); unicus is made unic (unig); canis, can (cwn); and

belua,
beleu.

CHAPTER
XVI

Concerning
the soothsayers of this nation, and persons as it were

possessed

There are
certain persons in Cambria, whom you will find nowhere

else,
called Awenddyon, (24) or people inspired; when consulted

upon any
doubtful event, they roar out violently, are rendered

beside
themselves, and become, as it were, possessed by a spirit.

They do
not deliver the answer to what is required in a connected

manner;
but the person who skilfully observes them, will find,

after many
preambles, and many nugatory and incoherent, though

ornamented
speeches, the desired explanation conveyed in some turn

of a word:
they are then roused from their ecstasy, as from a deep

sleep,
and, as it were, by violence compelled to return to their

proper
senses. After having answered the questions, they do not

recover
till violently shaken by other people; nor can they

remember
the replies they have given. If consulted a second or

third time
upon the same point, they will make use of expressions

totally
different; perhaps they speak by the means of fanatic and

ignorant
spirits. These gifts are usually conferred upon them in

dreams:
some seem to have sweet milk or honey poured on their

lips;
others fancy that a written schedule is applied to their

mouths and
on awaking they publicly declare that they have received

this gift.
Such is the saying of Esdras, "The Lord said unto me,

open thy
mouth, and I opened my mouth, and behold a cup full of

water,
whose colour was like fire; and when I had drank it, my

heart
brought forth understanding, and wisdom entered into my

breast."
They invoke, during their prophecies, the true and living

God, and
the Holy Trinity, and pray that they may not by their sins

be
prevented from finding the truth. These prophets are only found

among the
Britons descended from the Trojans. For Calchas and

Cassandra,
endowed with the spirit of prophecy, openly foretold,

during the
siege of Troy, the destruction of that fine city; on

which
account the high priest, Helenus, influenced by the prophetic

books of
Calchas, and of others who had long before predicted the

ruin of
their country, in the first year went over to the Greeks

with the
sons of Priam (to whom he was high priest), and was

afterwards
rewarded in Greece. Cassandra, daughter of king Priam,

every day
foretold the overthrow of the city; but the pride and

presumption
of the Trojans prevented them from believing her word.

Even on
the very night that the city was betrayed, she clearly

described
the treachery and the method of it:

" -
tales casus Cassandra canebat,"

as in the
same manner, during the existence of the kingdom of the

Britons,
both Merlin Caledonius and Ambrosius are said to have

foretold
the destruction of their nation, as well as the coming of

the
Saxons, and afterwards that of the Normans; and I think a

circumstance
related by Aulus Gellius worth inserting in this

place. On
the day that Caius Caesar and Cneius Pompey, during the

civil war,
fought a pitched battle in Thessalia, a memorable event

occurred
in that part of Italy situated beyond the river Po. A

priest
named Cornelius, honourable from his rank, venerable for his

religion,
and holy in his manners, in an inspired moment

proclaimed,
"Caesar has conquered," and named the day, the events,

the mutual
attack, and the conflicts of the two armies. Whether

such
things are exhibited by the spirit, let the reader more

particularly
inquire; I do not assert they are the acts of a

Pythonic
or a diabolic spirit; for as foreknowledge is the property

of God
alone, so is it in his power to confer knowledge of future

events.
There are differences of gifts, says the Apostle, but one

and the
same spirit; whence Peter, in his second Epistle, writes,

"For
the prophecy came not in the old time by the will of man, but

men spake
as if they were inspired by the Holy Ghost:" to the same

effect did
the Chaldeans answer king Nebuchadonazar on the

interpretation
of his dream, which he wished to extort from them.

"There
is not," say they, "a man upon earth who can, O king,

satisfactorily
answer your question; let no king therefore, however

great or
potent, make a similar request to any magician,

astrologer,
or Chaldean; for it is a rare thing that the king

requireth,
and there is none other that can shew it before the

king,
except the Gods, whose dwelling is not with flesh." On this

passage
Jerome remarks, "The diviners and all the learned of this

world
confess, that the prescience of future events belongs to God

alone; the
prophets therefore, who foretold things to come, spake

by the
spirit of God. Hence some persons object, that, if they

were under
the guidance of the Holy Spirit, they would sometimes

premise,
"Thus saith the Lord God," or make use of some expression

in the
prophetic style; and as such a mode of prophesying is not

taken
notice of by Merlin, and no mention is made of his sanctity,

devotion,
or faith, many think that he spake by a Pythonic spirit.

To which I
answer, that the spirit of prophecy was given not only

to the
holy, but sometimes to unbelievers and Gentiles, to Baal, to

the
sibyls, and even to bad people, as to Caiaphas and Bela. On

which
occasion Origen says: "Do not wonder, if he whom ye have

mentioned
declares that the Scribes and Pharisees and doctors

amongst
the Jews prophesied concerning Christ; for Caiaphas said:

"It
is expedient for us that one man die for the people:" but

asserts at
the same time, that because he was high priest for that

year, he
prophesied. Let no man therefore be lifted up, if he

prophesies,
if he merits prescience; for prophecies shall fail,

tongues
shall cease, knowledge shall vanish away; and now abideth,

faith,
hope, and charity: these three; but the greatest of these

is
Charity, which never faileth. But these bad men not only

prophesied,
but sometimes performed great miracles, which others

could not
accomplish. John the Baptist, who was so great a

personage,
performed no miracle, as John the Evangelist testifies:

"And
many came to Jesus and said, Because John wrought no signs,"

etc. Nor
do we hear that the mother of God performed any miracle;

we read in
the Acts of the Apostles, that the sons of Sheva cast

out devils
in the name of Jesus, whom Paul preached; and in Matthew

and Luke
we may find these words: "Many shall say unto me in that

day, Lord,
Lord, have we not prophesied in thy name? and in thy

name have
cast out devils? and in thy name done many wonderful

works? and
then I will profess unto them, I never knew you." And

in another
place, John says: "Master, we saw a certain man casting

out devils
in thy name, and forbade him, because he followeth not

with us."
But Jesus said: "Forbid him not; no man can do a

miracle in
my name, and speak evil of me; for whoever is not

against
me, is for me."

Alexander
of Macedon, a gentile, traversed the Caspian mountains,

and
miraculously confined ten tribes within their promontories,

where they
still remain, and will continue until the coming of

Elias and
Enoch. We read, indeed, the prophecies of Merlin, but

hear
nothing either of his sanctity or his miracles. Some say,

that the
prophets, when they prophesied, did not become frantic, as

it is
affirmed of Merlin Silvestris, and others possessed, whom we

have
before mentioned. Some prophesied by dreams, visions, and

enigmatical
sayings, as Ezechiel and Daniel; others by acts and

words, as
Noah, in the construction of the ark, alluded to the

church;
Abraham, in the slaying of his son, to the passion of

Christ;
and Moses by his speech, when he said, "A prophet shall the

Lord God
raise up to you of your brethren; hear him;" meaning

Christ.
Others have prophesied in a more excellent way by the

internal
revelation and inspiration of the Holy Spirit, as David

did when
persecuted by Saul: "When Saul heard that David had fled

to Naioth
(which is a hill in Ramah, and the seat of the prophets),

he sent
messengers to take him; and when they saw the company of

the
prophets prophesying, and Samuel standing at their head, the

Spirit of
God came upon the messengers of Saul, and they also

prophesied;
and he sent messengers a second and again a third time,

and they
also prophesied. And Saul enraged went thither also; and

the Spirit
of God was upon him also, and he went on, and prophesied

until he
came to Naioth, and he stripped off his royal vestments,

and
prophesied with the rest for all that day and all that night;

whilst
David and Samuel secretly observed what passed." Nor is it

wonderful
that those persons who suddenly receive the Spirit of

God, and
so signal a mark of grace, should for a time seem

alienated
from their earthly state of mind.

CHAPTER
XVII

Their love
of high birth and ancient genealogy

The Welsh
esteem noble birth and generous descent above all things,

(25) and
are, therefore, more desirous of marrying into noble than

rich
families. Even the common people retain their genealogy, and

can not
only readily recount the names of their grandfathers and

great-grandfathers,
but even refer back to the sixth or seventh

generation,
or beyond them, in this manner: Rhys, son of Gruffydd,

son of
Rhys, son of Tewdwr, son of Eineon, son of Owen, son of

Howel, son
of Cadell, son of Roderic Mawr, and so on.

Being
particularly attached to family descent, they revenge with

vehemence
the injuries which may tend to the disgrace of their

blood; and
being naturally of a vindictive and passionate

disposition,
they are ever ready to avenge not only recent but

ancient
affronts; they neither inhabit towns, villages, nor

castles,
but lead a solitary life in the woods, on the borders of

which they
do not erect sumptuous palaces, nor lofty stone

buildings,
but content themselves with small huts made of the

boughs of
trees twisted together, constructed with little labour

and
expense, and sufficient to endure throughout the year. They

have
neither orchards nor gardens, but gladly eat the fruit of both

when given
to them. The greater part of their land is laid down to

pasturage;
little is cultivated, a very small quantity is

ornamented
with flowers, and a still smaller is sown. They seldom

yoke less
than four oxen to their ploughs; the driver walks before,

but
backwards, and when he falls down, is frequently exposed to

danger
from the refractory oxen. Instead of small sickles in

mowing,
they make use of a moderate-sized piece of iron formed like

a knife,
with two pieces of wood fixed loosely and flexibly to the

head,
which they think a more expeditious instrument; but since

"Segnius
irritant animos demissa per aures,

Quam quae
sunt oculis subjecta fidelibus,"

their mode
of using it will be better known by inspection than by

any
description. The boats (26) which they employ in fishing or in

crossing
the rivers are made of twigs, not oblong nor pointed, but

almost
round, or rather triangular, covered both within and without

with raw
hides. When a salmon thrown into one of these boats

strikes it
hard with his tail, he often oversets it, and endangers

both the
vessel and its navigator. The fishermen, according to the

custom of
the country, in going to and from the rivers, carry these

boats on
their shoulders; on which occasion that famous dealer in

fables,
Bleddercus, who lived a little before our time, thus

mysteriously
said: "There is amongst us a people who, when they go

out in
search of prey, carry their horses on their backs to the

place of
plunder; in order to catch their prey, they leap upon

their
horses, and when it is taken, carry their horses home again

upon their
shoulders."

CHAPTER
XVIII

Of the
antiquity of their faith, their love of Christianity and

devotion

In ancient
times, and about two hundred years before the overthrow

of
Britain, the Welsh were instructed and confirmed in the faith by

Faganus
and Damianus, sent into the island at the request of king

Lucius by
pope Eleutherius, and from that period when Germanus of

Auxerre,
and Lupus of Troyes, came over on account of the

corruption
which had crept into the island by the invasion of the

Saxons,
but particularly with a view of expelling the Pelagian

heresy,
nothing heretical or contrary to the true faith was to be

found
amongst the natives. But it is said that some parts of the

ardent
doctrines are still retained. They give the first piece

broken off
from every loaf of bread to the poor; they sit down to

dinner by
three to a dish, in honour of the Trinity. With extended

arms and
bowing head, they ask a blessing of every monk or priest,

or of
every person wearing a religious habit. But they desire,

above all
other nations, the episcopal ordination and unction, by

which the
grace of the spirit is given. They give a tenth of all

their
property, animals, cattle, and sheep, either when they marry,

or go on a
pilgrimage, or, by the counsel of the church, are

persuaded
to amend their lives. This partition of their effects

they call
the great tithe, two parts of which they give to the

church
where they were baptised, and the third to the bishop of the

diocese.
But of all pilgrimages they prefer that to Rome, where

they pay
the most fervent adoration to the apostolic see. We

observe
that they show a greater respect than other nations to

churches
and ecclesiastical persons, to the relics of saints,

bells,
holy books, and the cross, which they devoutly revere; and

hence
their churches enjoy more than common tranquillity. For

peace is
not only preserved towards all animals feeding in

churchyards,
but at a great distance beyond them, where certain

boundaries
and ditches have been appointed by the bishops, in order

to
maintain the security of the sanctuary. But the principal

churches
to which antiquity has annexed the greater reverence

extend
their protection to the herds as far as they can go to feed

in the
morning and return at night. If, therefore, any person has

incurred
the enmity of his prince, on applying to the church for

protection,
he and his family will continue to live unmolested; but

many
persons abuse this indemnity, far exceeding the indulgence of

the canon,
which in such cases grants only personal safety; and

from the
places of refuge even make hostile irruptions, and more

severely
harass the country than the prince himself. Hermits and

anchorites
more strictly abstinent and more spiritual can nowhere

be found;
for this nation is earnest in all its pursuits, and

neither
worse men than the bad, nor better than the good, can be

met with.

Happy and
fortunate indeed would this nation be, nay, completely

blessed,
if it had good prelates and pastors, and but one prince,

and that
prince a good one.

BOOK II

PREFACE

Having in
the former book clearly set forth the character, manners,

and
customs of the British nation, and having collected and

explained
everything which could redound to its credit or glory; an

attention
to order now requires that, in this second part, we

should
employ our pen in pointing out those particulars in which it

seems to
transgress the line of virtue and commendation; having

first
obtained leave to speak the truth, without which history not

only loses
its authority, but becomes undeserving of its very name.

For the
painter who professes to imitate nature, loses his

reputation,
if, by indulging his fancy, he represents only those

parts of
the subject which best suit him.

Since,
therefore, no man is born without faults, and he is esteemed

the best
whose errors are the least, let the wise man consider

everything
human as connected with himself; for in worldly affairs

there is
no perfect happiness under heaven. Evil borders upon

good, and
vices are confounded with virtues; as the report of good

qualities
is delightful to a well-disposed mind, so the relation of

the
contrary should not be offensive. The natural disposition of

this
nation might have been corrupted and perverted by long exile

and
poverty; for as poverty extinguisheth many faults, so it often

generates
failings that are contrary to virtue.

CHAPTER I

Of the
inconstancy and instability of this nation, and their want

of
reverence for good faith and oaths

These
people are no less light in mind than in body, and are by no

means to
be relied upon. They are easily urged to undertake any

action,
and are as easily checked from prosecuting it - a people

quick in
action, but more stubborn in a bad than in a good cause,

and
constant only in acts of inconstancy. They pay no respect to

oaths,
faith, or truth; and so lightly do they esteem the covenant

of faith,
held so inviolable by other nations, that it is usual to

sacrifice
their faith for nothing, by holding forth the right hand,

not only
in serious and important concerns, but even on every

trifling
occasion, and for the confirmation of almost every common

assertion.
They never scruple at taking a false oath for the sake

of any
temporary emolument or advantage; so that in civil and

ecclesiastical
causes, each party, being ready to swear whatever

seems
expedient to its purpose, endeavours both to prove and

defend,
although the venerable laws, by which oaths are deemed

sacred,
and truth is honoured and respected, by favouring the

accused
and throwing an odium upon the accuser, impose the burden

of
bringing proofs upon the latter. But to a people so cunning and

crafty,
this yoke is pleasant, and this burden is light.

CHAPTER II

Their
living by plunder, and disregard of the bonds of peace and

friendship

This
nation conceives it right to commit acts of plunder, theft,

and
robbery, not only against foreigners and hostile nations, but

even
against their own countrymen. When an opportunity of

attacking
the enemy with advantage occurs, they respect not the

leagues of
peace and friendship, preferring base lucre to the

solemn
obligations of oaths and good faith; to which circumstance

Gildas
alludes in his book concerning the overthrow of the Britons,

actuated
by the love of truth, and according to the rules of

history,
not suppressing the vices of his countrymen. "They are

neither
brave in war, nor faithful in peace." But when Julius

Caesar,
great as the world itself,

"Territa
quaesitis ostendit terga Britannis,"

were they
not brave under their leader Cassivellaunus? And when

Belinus
and Brennus added the Roman empire to their conquests?

What were
they in the time of Constantine, son of our Helen? What,

in the
reign of Aurelius Ambrosius, whom even Eutropius commends?

What were
they in the time of our famous prince Arthur? I will not

say
fabulous. On the contrary, they, who were almost subdued by

the Scots
and Picts, often harassed with success the auxiliary

Roman
legions, and exclaimed, as we learn from Gildas, "The

barbarians
drove us to the sea, the sea drove us again back to the

barbarians;
on one side we were subdued, on the other drowned, and

here we
were put to death. Were they not," says he, "at that time

brave and
praiseworthy?" When attacked and conquered by the

Saxons,
who originally had been called in as stipendiaries to their

assistance,
were they not brave? But the strongest argument made

use of by
those who accuse this nation of cowardice, is, that

Gildas, a
holy man, and a Briton by birth, has handed down to

posterity
nothing remarkable concerning them, in any of his

historical
works. We promise, however, a solution of the contrary

in our
British Topography, if God grants us a continuance of life.

As a
further proof, it may be necessary to add, that from the time

when that
illustrious prince of the Britons, mentioned at the

beginning
of this book, totally exhausted the strength of the

country,
by transporting the whole armed force beyond the seas;

that
island, which had before been so highly illustrious for its

incomparable
valour, remained for many subsequent years destitute

of men and
arms, and exposed to the predatory attacks of pirates

and
robbers. So distinguished, indeed, were the natives of this

island for
their bravery, that, by their prowess, that king subdued

almost all
Cisalpine Gaul, and dared even to make an attack on the

Roman
empire.

In process
of time, the Britons, recovering their long-lost

population
and knowledge of the use of arms, re-acquired their high

and
ancient character. Let the different aeras be therefore

marked,
and the historical accounts will accord. With regard to

Gildas,
who inveighs so bitterly against his own nation, the

Britons
affirm that, highly irritated at the death of his brother,

the prince
of Albania, whom king Arthur had slain, he wrote these

invectives,
and upon the same occasion threw into the sea many

excellent
books, in which he had described the actions of Arthur,

and the
celebrated deeds of his countrymen; from which cause it

arises,
that no authentic account of so great a prince is any where

to be
found.

CHAPTER
III

Of their
deficiency in battle, and base and dishonourable flight

In war
this nation is very severe in the first attack, terrible by

their
clamour and looks, filling the air with horrid shouts and the

deep-toned
clangour of very long trumpets; swift and rapid in their

advances
and frequent throwing of darts. Bold in the first onset,

they
cannot bear a repulse, being easily thrown into confusion as

soon as
they turn their backs; and they trust to flight for safety,

without
attempting to rally, which the poet thought reprehensible

in martial
conflicts:

"Ignavum
scelus est tantum fuga;"

and
elsewhere -

"In
vitium culpae ducit fuga, si caret arte."

The
character given to the Teutones in the Roman History, may be

applied to
this people. "In their first attack they are more than

men, in
the second, less than women." Their courage manifests

itself
chiefly in the retreat, when they frequently return, and,

like the
Parthians, shoot their arrows behind them; and, as after

success
and victory in battle, even cowards boast of their courage,

so, after
a reverse of fortune, even the bravest men are not

allowed
their due claims of merit. Their mode of fighting consists

in chasing
the enemy or in retreating. This light-armed people,

relying
more on their activity than on their strength, cannot

struggle
for the field of battle, enter into close engagement, or

endure
long and severe actions, such as the poet describes:

"Jam
clypeo clypeus, umbone repellitur umbo,

Ense minax
ensis, pede pes, et cuspide cuspis."

Though
defeated and put to flight on one day, they are ready to

resume the
combat on the next, neither dejected by their loss, nor

by their
dishonour; and although, perhaps, they do not display

great
fortitude in open engagements and regular conflicts, yet they

harass the
enemy by ambuscades and nightly sallies. Hence, neither

oppressed
by hunger or cold, nor fatigued by martial labours, nor

despondent
in adversity, but ready, after a defeat, to return

immediately
to action, and again endure the dangers of war; they

are as
easy to overcome in a single battle, as difficult to subdue

in a
protracted war. The poet Claudian thus speaks of a people

similar in
disposition:-

"Dum
percunt, meminere mali: si corda parumper

Respirare
sinas, nullo tot funera censu

Praetercunt,
tantique levis jactura cruoris."

CHAPTER IV

Their
ambitious seizure of lands, and dissensions among brothers

This
nation is, above all others, addicted to the digging up of

boundary
ditches, removing the limits, transgressing landmarks, and

extending
their territory by every possible means. So great is

their
disposition towards this common violence, that they scruple

not to
claim as their hereditary right, those lands which are held

under
lease, or at will, on condition of planting, or by any other

title,
even although indemnity had been publicly secured on oath to

the tenant
by the lord proprietor of the soil. Hence arise suits

and
contentions, murders and conflagrations, and frequent

fratricides,
increased, perhaps, by the ancient national custom of

brothers
dividing their property amongst each other. Another heavy

grievance
also prevails; the princes entrust the education of their

children
to the care of the principal men of their country, each of

whom,
after the death of his father, endeavours, by every possible

means, to
exalt his own charge above his neighbours. From which

cause
great disturbances have frequently arisen amongst brothers,

and
terminated in the most cruel and unjust murders; and on which

account
friendships are found to be more sincere between foster-

brothers,
than between those who are connected by the natural ties

of
brotherhood. It is also remarkable, that brothers shew more

affection
to one another when dead, than when living; for they

persecute
the living even unto death, but revenge the deceased with

all their
power.

CHAPTER V

Their
great exaction, and want of moderation

Where they
find plenty, and can exercise their power, they levy the

most
unjust exactions. Immoderate in their love of food and

intoxicating
drink, they say with the Apostle, "We are instructed

both to
abound, and to suffer need;" but do not add with him,

"becoming
all things to all men, that I might by all means save

some."
As in times of scarcity their abstinence and parsimony are

too
severe, so, when seated at another man's table, after a long

fasting,
(like wolves and eagles, who, like them, live by plunder,

and are
rarely satisfied,) their appetite is immoderate. They are

therefore
penurious in times of scarcity, and extravagant in times

of plenty;
but no man, as in England, mortgages his property for

the
gluttonous gratification of his own appetite. They wish,

however,
that all people would join with them in their bad habits

and
expenses; as the commission of crimes reduces to a level all

those who
are concerned in the perpetration of them.

CHAPTER VI

Concerning
the crime of incest, and the abuse of churches by

succession
and participation

The crime
of incest hath so much prevailed, not only among the

higher,
but among the lower orders of this people, that, not having

the fear
of God before their eyes, they are not ashamed of

intermarrying
with their relations, even in the third degree of

consanguinity.
They generally abuse these dispensations with a

view of
appeasing those enmities which so often subsist between

them,
because "their feet are swift to shed blood;" and from
their

love of
high descent, which they so ardently affect and covet, they

unite
themselves to their own people, refusing to intermarry with

strangers,
and arrogantly presuming on their own superiority of

blood and
family. They do not engage in marriage, until they have

tried, by
previous cohabitation, the disposition, and particularly

the
fecundity, of the person with whom they are engaged. An

ancient
custom also prevails of hiring girls from their parents at

a certain
price, and a stipulated penalty, in case of relinquishing

their
connection.

Their
churches have almost as many parsons and sharers as there are

principal
men in the parish. The sons, after the decease of their

fathers,
succeed to the ecclesiastical benefices, not by election,

but by
hereditary right possessing and polluting the sanctuary of

God. And
if a prelate should by chance presume to appoint or

institute
any other person, the people would certainly revenge the

injury
upon the institutor and the instituted. With respect to

these two
excesses of incest and succession, which took root

formerly
in Armorica, and are not yet eradicated, Ildebert, bishop

of Le
Mans, in one of his epistles, says, "that he was present with

a British
priest at a council summoned with a view of putting an

end to the
enormities of this nation:" hence it appears that these

vices have
for a long time prevailed both in Britany and Britain.

The words
of the Psalmist may not inaptly be applied to them; "They

are
corrupt and become abominable in their doings, there is none

that doeth
good, no, not one: they are all gone out of the way,

they are
altogether become abominable," etc.

CHAPTER
VII

Of their
sins, and the consequent loss of Britain and of Troy

Moreover,
through their sins, and particularly that detestable and

wicked
vice of Sodom, as well as by divine vengeance, they lost

Britain as
they formerly lost Troy. For we read in the Roman

history,
that the emperor Constantine having resigned the city and

the
Western empire to the blessed Sylvester and his successors,

with an
intention of rebuilding Troy, and there establishing the

chief seat
of the Eastern Empire, heard a voice, saying, "Dost thou

go to
rebuild Sodom?" upon which, he altered his intention, turned

his ships
and standards towards Byzantium, and there fixing his

seat of
empire, gave his own propitious name to the city. The

British
history informs us, that Mailgon, king of the Britons, and

many
others, were addicted to this vice; that enormity, however,

had
entirely ceased for so long a time, that the recollection of it

was nearly
worn out. But since that, as if the time of repentance

was almost
expired, and because the nation, by its warlike

successes
and acquisition of territory, has in our times unusually

increased
in population and strength, they boast in their turn, and

most
confidently and unanimously affirm, that in a short time their

countrymen
shall return to the island, and, according to the

prophecies
of Merlin, the nation, and even the name, of foreigners,

shall be
extinguished in the island, and the Britons shall exult

again in
their ancient name and privileges. But to me it appears

far
otherwise; for since

"Luxuriant
animi rebus plerumque secundis,

Nec facile
est aequa commoda mente pati;"

And
because

"Non
habet unde suum paupertas pascat amorem, . . .

Divitiis
alitur luxuriosus amor."

So that
their abstinence from that vice, which in their prosperity

they could
not resist, may be attributed more justly to their

poverty
and state of exile than to their sense of virtue. For they

cannot be
said to have repented, when we see them involved in such

an abyss
of vices, perjury, theft, robbery, rapine, murders,

fratricides,
adultery, and incest, and become every day more

entangled
and ensnared in evil-doing; so that the words of the

prophet
Hosea may be truly applied to them, "There is no truth, nor

mercy,"
etc.

Other
matters of which they boast are more properly to be

attributed
to the diligence and activity of the Norman kings than

to their
own merits or power. For previous to the coming of the

Normans,
when the English kings contented themselves with the

sovereignty
of Britain alone, and employed their whole military

force in
the subjugation of this people, they almost wholly

extirpated
them; as did king Offa, who by a long and extensive dyke

separated
the British from the English; Ethelfrid also, who

demolished
the noble city of Legions, (27) and put to death the

monks of
the celebrated monastery at Banchor, who had been called

in to
promote the success of the Britons by their prayers; and

lastly
Harold, who himself on foot, with an army of light-armed

infantry,
and conforming to the customary diet of the country, so

bravely
penetrated through every part of Wales, that he scarcely

left a man
alive in it; and as a memorial of his signal victories

many
stones may be found in Wales bearing this inscription:- "HIC

VICTOR
FUIT HAROLDUS" - "HERE HAROLD CONQUERED." (28)

To these
bloody and recent victories of the English may be

attributed
the peaceable state of Wales during the reigns of the

three
first Norman kings; when the nation increased in population,

and being
taught the use of arms and the management of horses by

the
English and Normans (with whom they had much intercourse, by

following
the court, or by being sent as hostages), took advantage

of the
necessary attention which the three succeeding kings were

obliged to
pay to their foreign possessions, and once more lifting

up their
crests, recovered their lands, and spurned the yoke that

had
formerly been imposed upon them.

CHAPTER
VIII

In what
manner this nation is to be overcome

The prince
who would wish to subdue this nation, and govern it

peaceably,
must use this method. He must be determined to apply a

diligent
and constant attention to this purpose for one year at

least; for
a people who with a collected force will not openly

attack the
enemy in the field, nor wait to be besieged in castles,

is not to
be overcome at the first onset, but to be worn out by

prudent
delay and patience. Let him divide their strength, and by

bribes and
promises endeavour to stir up one against the other,

knowing
the spirit of hatred and envy which generally prevails

amongst
them; and in the autumn let not only the marches, but also

the
interior part of the country be strongly fortified with

castles,
provisions, and confidential families. In the meantime

the
purchase of corn, cloth, and salt, with which they are usually

supplied
from England, should be strictly interdicted; and well-

manned
ships placed as a guard on the coast, to prevent their

importation
of these articles from Ireland or the Severn sea, and

to
facilitate the supply of his own army. Afterwards, when the

severity
of winter approaches, when the trees are void of leaves,

and the
mountains no longer afford pasturage - when they are

deprived
of any hopes of plunder, and harassed on every side by the

repeated
attacks of the enemy - let a body of light-armed infantry

penetrate
into their woody and mountainous retreats, and let these

troops be
supported and relieved by others; and thus by frequent

changes,
and replacing the men who are either fatigued or slain in

battle,
this nation may be ultimately subdued; nor can it be

overcome
without the above precautions, nor without great danger

and loss
of men. Though many of the English hired troops may

perish in
a day of battle, money will procure as many or more on

the morrow
for the same service; but to the Welsh, who have neither

foreign
nor stipendiary troops, the loss is for the time

irreparable.
In these matters, therefore, as an artificer is to be

trusted in
his trade, so attention is to be paid to the counsel of

those who,
having been long conversant in similar concerns, are

become
acquainted with the manners and customs of their country,

and whom
it greatly interests, that an enemy, for whom during long

and
frequent conflicts they have contracted an implacable hatred,

should by
their assistance be either weakened or destroyed. Happy

should I
have termed the borders of Wales inhabited by the English,

if their
kings, in the government of these parts, and in their

military
operations against the enemy, had rather employed the

marchers
and barons of the country, than adopted the counsels and

policy of
the people of Anjou and the Normans. In this, as well as

in every
other military expedition, either in Ireland or in Wales,

the
natives of the marches, from the constant state of warfare in

which they
are engaged, and whose manners are formed from the

habits of
war, are bold and active, skilful on horseback, quick on

foot, not
nice as to their diet, and ever prepared when necessity

requires
to abstain both from corn and wine. By such men were the

first
hostile attacks made upon Wales as well as Ireland, and by

such men
alone can their final conquest be accomplished. For the

Flemings,
Normans, Coterells, and Bragmans, are good and well-

disciplined
soldiers in their own country; but the Gallic soldiery

is known
to differ much from the Welsh and Irish. In their country

the battle
is on level, here on rough ground; there in an open

field,
here in forests; there they consider their armour as an

honour,
here as a burden; there soldiers are taken prisoners, here

they are
beheaded; there they are ransomed, here they are put to

death.
Where, therefore, the armies engage in a flat country, a

heavy and
complex armour, made of cloth and iron, both protects and

decorates
the soldier; but when the engagement is in narrow

defiles,
in woods or marshes, where the infantry have the advantage

over the
cavalry, a light armour is preferable. For light arms

afford
sufficient protection against unarmed men, by whom victory

is either
lost or won at the first onset; where it is necessary

that an
active and retreating enemy should be overcome by a certain

proportional
quantity of moderate armour; whereas with a more

complex
sort, and with high and curved saddles, it is difficult to

dismount,
more so to mount, and with the greatest difficulty can

such
troops march, if required, with the infantry. In order,

therefore,
that

"Singula
quaeque locum teneant sortita decenter,"

we
maintain it is necessary to employ heavy-armed and strong troops

against
men heavily armed, depending entirely upon their natural

strength,
and accustomed to fight in an open plain; but against

light-armed
and active troops, who prefer rough ground, men

accustomed
to such conflicts, and armed in a similar manner, must

be
employed. But let the cities and fortresses on the Severn, and

the whole
territory on its western banks towards Wales, occupied by

the
English, as well as the provinces of Shropshire and Cheshire,

which are
protected by powerful armies, or by any other special

privileges
and honourable independence, rejoice in the provident

bounty of
their prince. There should be a yearly examination of

the
warlike stores, of the arms, and horses, by good and discreet

men
deputed for that purpose, and who, not intent on its plunder

and ruin,
interest themselves in the defence and protection of

their
country. By these salutary measures, the soldiers, citizens,

and the
whole mass of the people, being instructed and accustomed

to the use
of arms, liberty may be opposed by liberty, and pride be

checked by
pride. For the Welsh, who are neither worn out by

laborious
burdens, nor molested by the exactions of their lords,

are ever
prompt to avenge an injury. Hence arise their

distinguished
bravery in the defence of their country; hence their

readiness
to take up arms and to rebel. Nothing so much excites,

encourages,
and invites the hearts of men to probity as the

cheerfulness
of liberty; nothing so much dejects and dispirits them

as the
oppression of servitude. This portion of the kingdom,

protected
by arms and courage, might be of great use to the prince,

not only
in these or the adjacent parts, but, if necessity

required,
in more remote regions; and although the public treasury

might
receive a smaller annual revenue from these provinces, yet

the
deficiency would be abundantly compensated by the peace of the

kingdom
and the honour of its sovereign; especially as the heavy

and
dangerous expenses of one military expedition into Wales

usually
amount to the whole income among from the revenues of the

province.

CHAPTER IX

In what
manner Wales, when conquered, should be governed

As
therefore this nation is to be subdued by resolution in the

manner
proposed, so when subdued, its government must be directed

by
moderation, according to the following plan. Let the care of it

be
committed to a man of a firm and determined mind; who during the

time of
peace, by paying due obedience to the laws, and respect to

the
government, may render it firm and stable. For like other

nations in
a barbarous state, this people, although they are

strangers
to the principles of honour, yet above all things desire

to be
honoured; and approve and respect in others that truth which

they
themselves do not profess. Whenever the natural inconstancy

of their
indisposition shall induce them to revolt, let punishment

instantly
follow the offence; but when they shall have submitted

themselves
again to order, and made proper amends for their faults

(as it is
the custom of bad men to remember wrath after quarrels),

let their
former transgression be overlooked, and let them enjoy

security
and respect, as long as they continue faithful. Thus, by

mild
treatment they will be invited to obedience and the love of

peace, and
the thought of certain punishment will deter them from

rash
attempts. We have often observed persons who, confounding

these
matters, by complaining of faults, depressing for services,

flattering
in war, plundering in peace, despoiling the weak, paying

respect to
revolters, by thus rendering all things confused, have

at length
been confounded themselves. Besides, as circumstances

which are
foreseen do less mischief, and as that state is happy

which
thinks of war in the time of peace, let the wise man be upon

his guard,
and prepared against the approaching inconveniences of

war, by
the construction of forts, the widening of passes through

woods, and
the providing of a trusty household. For those who are

cherished
and sustained during the time of peace, are more ready to

come
forward in times of danger, and are more confidently to be

depended
upon; and as a nation unsubdued ever meditates plots under

the
disguise of friendship, let not the prince or his governor

entrust
the protection of his camp or capital to their fidelity.

By the
examples of many remarkable men, some of whom have been

cruelly
put to death, and others deprived of their castles and

dignities,
through their own neglect and want of care, we may see,

that the
artifices of a crafty and subdued nation are much more to

be dreaded
than their open warfare; their good-will than their

anger,
their honey than their gall, their malice than their attack,

their
treachery than their aggression, and their pretended

friendship
more than their open enmity. A prudent and provident

man
therefore should contemplate in the misfortune of others what

he ought
himself to avoid; correction taught by example is

harmless,
as Ennodius (29) says: "The ruin of predecessors

instructs
those who succeed; and a former miscarriage becomes a

future
caution." If a well-disposed prince should wish these great

designs to
be accomplished without the effusion of blood, the

marches,
as we before mentioned, must be put into a state of

defence on
all sides, and all intercourse by sea and land

interdicted;
some of the Welsh may be stirred up to deadly feuds,

by means
of stipends, and by transferring the property of one

person to
another; and thus worn out with hunger, and a want of the

necessaries
of life, and harassed by frequent murders and

implacable
enmities, they will at last be compelled to surrender.

There are
three things which ruin this nation, and prevent its

enjoying
the satisfaction of a fruitful progeny. First, because

both the
natural and legitimate sons endeavour to divide the

paternal
inheritance amongst themselves; from which cause, as we

have
before observed, continual fratricides take place. Secondly,

because
the education of their sons is committed to the care of the

high-born
people of the country, who, on the death of their

fathers,
endeavour by all possible means to exalt their pupil; from

whence
arise murders, conflagrations, and almost a total

destruction
of the country. And, thirdly, because from the pride

and
obstinacy of their disposition, they will not (like other

nations)
subject themselves to the dominion of one lord and king.

CHAPTER X

In what
manner this nation may resist and revolt

Having
hitherto so partially and elaborately spoken in favour of

the
English, and being equally connected by birth with each nation,

justice
demands that we should argue on both sides; let us

therefore,
at the close of our work, turn our attention towards the

Welsh, and
briefly, but effectually, instruct them in the art of

resistance.
If the Welsh were more commonly accustomed to the

Gallic
mode of arming, and depended more on steady fighting than on

their
agility; if their princes were unanimous and inseparable in

their
defence; or rather, if they had only one prince, and that a

good one;
this nation situated in so powerful, strong, and

inaccessible
a country, could hardly ever be completely overcome.

If,
therefore, they would be inseparable, they would become

insuperable,
being assisted by these three circumstances; a country

well
defended by nature, a people both contented and accustomed to

live upon
little, a community whose nobles as well as privates are

instructed
in the use of arms; and especially as the English fight

for power,
the Welsh for liberty; the one to procure gain, the

other to
avoid loss; the English hirelings for money, the Welsh

patriots
for their country. The English, I say, fight in order to

expel the
natural inhabitants from the island, and secure to

themselves
the possession of the whole; but the Welsh maintain the

conflict,
that they, who have so long enjoyed the sovereignty of

the whole
kingdom, may at least find a hiding place in the worst

corner of
it, amongst woods and marshes; and, banished, as it were,

for their
offences, may there in a state of poverty, for a limited

time,
perform penance for the excesses they committed in the days

of their
prosperity. For the perpetual remembrance of their former

greatness,
the recollection of their Trojan descent, and the high

and
continued majesty of the kingdom of Britain, may draw forth

many a
latent spark of animosity, and encourage the daring spirit

of
rebellion. Hence during the military expedition which king

Henry II.
made in our days against South Wales, an old Welshman at

Pencadair,
who had faithfully adhered to him, being desired to give

his
opinion about the royal army, and whether he thought that of

the rebels
would make resistance, and what would be the final event

of this
war, replied, "This nation, O king, may now, as in former

times, be
harassed, and in a great measure weakened and destroyed

by your
and other powers, and it will often prevail by its laudable

exertions;
but it can never be totally subdued through the wrath of

man,
unless the wrath of God shall concur. Nor do I think, that

any other
nation than this of Wales, or any other language,

whatever
may hereafter come to pass, shall, in the day of severe

examination
before the Supreme Judge, answer for this corner of the

earth."